Jefbol Thought

=Political Views=

[[File:Ormarxf.png]] Dialectical Materialism
Dialectical/historical materialism views society from the perspective of the struggle between classes and the contradictions that have arrived from class conflict. Marx and Engels explain this best when they state:

"The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes."

Under capitalism, this is no different as contradictions relating to the struggle between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat dominant capitalism. These contradictions, as Marx and Engels rightfully pointed out, will eventually cause capitalism to collapse under its own weight as class contradictions reach their peak and the proletariat, now class conscious and united under a common myth.

Society's crucial structures according to this logic are the economic base and the societal superstructure. The economic base is best summarized as being directly related to the mode of production, as the relations to the mode of production as part of the base. The superstructure meanwhile relates to everything from education to mass media, and while both the base and superstructure can influence each other, the superstructure tends to be the one being influenced by the economic base as it helps uphold and maintain the current economic structure.

[[File:Sorel.png]] The Myth
Georges Sorel in Reflections on Violence introduced his most famous concept, that being of the myth. The myth can be best described as a Marxist analysis of how revolutionary movements believe themselves to have an inevitable victory, and these myths are usually expressed in the form of images and ideas. Now, Sorel also differentiated myths from utopian ideals. Myths, unlike utopias, encourage proletarians to work within Marxist discipline. The myth for revolutionary syndicalists, is that of the proletarian general strike, which of course must be worked towards in accordance with revolutionary spontaneity.

With us working towards the realization of the myth of the general strike, we must take a hardline anti-reformist stance. Reformism is a form of infantile leftism that will only preserve the capitalist mode of production, creating the most reactionary form of capitalism there is (that of social democracy).

Ultimately, it is us who holds the real scientific and political knowledge, as Sorel stated in Reflections on Violence. "That is why I say that, by accepting the idea of the general strike, although we know that it is a myth, we are proceeding exactly as a modern physicist does who has complete confidence in his science, although he knows that the future will look upon it as antiquated."

[[File:Statist.png]] The State
Now, the Marxist scientific analysis of the state is that it being a structure of class domination, the monopoly on the use of violence against other classes. The proletariat during the revolution must of course, overthrow the ruling bourgeois class and establish supremacy over the forces of violence and authority. However, it's not as simple as it appears.

Marx in "The Civil War in France", taking lessons from the Paris Commune, explained that the working class could not just take control of the existing state machinery, with him stating:

''“On the dawn of March 18, Paris arose to the thunder-burst of “Vive la Commune!” What is the Commune, that sphinx so tantalizing to the bourgeois mind? “The proletarians of Paris,” said the Central Committee in its manifesto of March 18, amidst the failures and treasons of the ruling classes, have understood that the hour has struck for them to save the situation by taking into their own hands the direction of public affairs.... They have understood that it is their imperious duty, and their absolute right, to render themselves masters of their own destinies, by seizing upon the governmental power.” But the working class cannot simply lay hold of the ready-made state machinery, and wield it for its own purposes.”''

Instead, as both Marx and later Lenin stated, the proletariat must destroy the bourgeois state and created their own state functions and machinery. We have seen what has happened when revolutionary movements fail to destroy the state machinery.

Georges Sorel in Reflections on Violence, pointed out how the Jacobins, due to their failure to destroy the feudal state machinery, ended up resorting to the same Old Regime tactics and functions.

This analysis of the DotP degenerating without the necessary abolishment of the old state institutions holds true in the Soviet Union, where the Bolsheviks after seizing power, failed to destroy the Tsarist state machinery. This was catastrophic for socialism in the Soviet Union, as the DotP soon entered into a state of decay right after Lenin's death.

The rejection of Marx’s stance on the need to abolish the bourgeois state machinery is a huge mistake. This belief in the use of present state structures to use as a base for the establishment of the DotP leads to the pacifying of proletarian movements into adopting parliamentarian and social democratic views, and this is exactly what happened to parties like the SPD in Germany.

On the other hand, the rejection of the state entirely is also a mistake, as both Daniel De Leon and Vladimir Lenin pointed out. The passage from capitalism to lower-stage communism, and then from the lower-stage to the higher-stage, requires the dictatorship of the proletariat to be in full of force with the weapon of violence at its disposal, at all times. The anarchists and their plan to abolish the state with the stroke of a pen and the bringing about of higher-stage communism immediately, naive of the conditions post-capitalism, will only lead to catastrophe as the conditions + the contradictions of the base and superstructure have not been resolved.

[[File:Deleon.png]] Socialist Industrial Unionism
=Political and Economic Essays=

[[File:SyndieSam.png]] Syndicalism vs Industrial Unionism [[File:Deleon.png]]
Socialist Industrial Unionism, or Marxism-De Leonism, is often mistaken for syndicalism. After all, both utilize industrial unionism as a form of revolutionary organization. However, Daniel de Leon in his book, "Syndicalism", wrote heavily on the differences between the French syndicalists and the Industrial Unionists.

 Centralism and Organization 

The syndicalists, being naive of the circumstances for class consciousness to take full force, believe direct action can be the only way to socialism. However, this approach is not without its own problems. Georges Sorel's solution to this was that of the myth, which could inspire the masses into revolt using images of what could be achieved by the proletariat. But the question of how to maintain a coherent ideological line. We saw what the pluralism of the revolutionary syndicalists did, how it let to their downfall as factionalism engulfed the movement. This is where both the De Leonists and the Leninists come into play, with their centralism. While new ideas could be expressed and are encouraged, all members of the party should accept the doctrine decided on by them even if they disagree with it.

 The Political and Economic Struggle 

Now, this is one of the most crucial differences according to De Leon himself, that of the political and economic class struggles. As De Leon correctly pointed:

"Syndicalism lays hardly any stress—it cannot choose but fail to lay stress: the capitalist development in the land of its birth does not furnish it with the foundation for laying such stress—upon the STRUCTURE, its main stress is laid upon the FUNCTION of the economic organization,—that function being, according to Syndicalism, physical force. Industrial Unionism, on the contrary, being the product of American highly developed capitalism, lays main stress upon the STRUCTURE of the economic organization; the FUNCTION of the same—the overthrow of the Political State and the seizing of the reins of government as the Socialist or Industrial State—flowing, as a matter of course, from its structure."

We also have the problem of the economism of the syndicalists, that is of the sole focus of them on the economic struggle (the sorelians are an exception). The rejection of the political struggle had led to many syndicalist movements simply giving up violent action, and adopting class collaborationism.

[[File:Succdem.png]] A Marxist Analysis of the Reform-Revolution Debate
A concerning trend of the rejection of proletarian revolution and violence in favor of evolutionary social democratic politics has sprung up in the past few years among the online left. Those who wave the flags of the Democratic Socialists of America and the Labor Party of Britain, and who reject the notion of revolution and Marxist analysis in favor of petit bourgeois opportunism, these middle class liberals putting on the mask of the labor movement will be the downfall of socialism.

Reformism historically and today is a form of infantile leftism based upon the idealist premises of the ability to use state power and electoralism to achieve socialist goals and aims. This is simply a utopian vision and ignores the nature and ethics of the bourgeoisie. Georges Sorel noted in “Reflections on Violence” how the bourgeoisie would weaken its own power for the sake of its own stability and security. Reformism of course does exactly this, and plays right into the hands of the capitalists. The granting of concessions to the proletariat are only that, concessions that can be taken away at any point and have only been made to weaken the labor movement and to keep the bourgeoisie’s power secure. The Christian-oriented humanism of the social democratic reformists will only play into the hands of bourgeoisie, as they are blinded by pacifism and as they reject the notion of the need for a violent proletarian revolution in order to overthrow the system of capitalism.

Social democracy in of itself is the most efficient form of reactionism. It, under the mask of humanism and bourgeois paternalism, creates the perfect illusion of a progressive society. The superprofits accumulated from the rents of the the third world are turned into sustainable welfare, and imperialist bloodshed is turned into a humanitarian endeavor to protect the illusion that is “human rights”.

Reformism in of itself fails to realize that even with these concessions given to the proletariat coming into effect, the structure of the state and the economy remains. You can take a poodle and do all sorts of things to change the poodle’s appearance, but a poodle it remains. And this logic applies to reformism. You can reform the bourgeois state, sure, but it still remains a bourgeois state that must be shattered by the revolutionary proletariat.

[[File:Hedonism-cloud.png]] The Hedonist Left: An Infantile Disorder
In recent years, alongside the rise of BreadTube-style social democratic liberalism, the online socialist community has seen the rise of the "hedonist left". These "leftists" have obstructed socialism by using it to promote liberal hedonistic culture. These hedonist liberals support the decriminalization of sex work and of narcotics, and oppose what they see as "conservative moralism" from socialists who oppose these things. This is a very concerning trend that I argue is detrimental to socialism, as it continues to promote and works to secure the capitalist superstructure and the bourgeois hedonistic individualism associated with it.

 Sex Work and Neo-Feudal Degeneration of Capitalism

Firstly, we touch the subject of sex work. We first must examine "left-wing" pro-sex work arguments in order to properly examine and give a concrete analysis of the industry. So firstly, it is often stated by these people that sex work classifies as a form of productive labor. Paul Cockshott in his article on Unproductive Labor, laid out the two qualifications for productive labor, that of:

1. The labor must be employed out of capital and not revenue

2. The labor has to result in a persistent product that lasts beyond when the labor is first produced

Quite obviously, sex work does not fit either of these. No commodity is produced from sex work, as it instead collects revenue from the buyer. And sex obviously does not last beyond and after the act itself, meaning there is no actual product produced from it.

Friedrich Engels, in "On The Origin of the Family, Private Property, and the State", wrote on prostitution and the history of it, stating:

''"By “hetaerism” Morgan understands the practice, co-existent with monogamous marriage, of sexual intercourse between men and unmarried women outside marriage, which, as we know, flourishes in the most varied forms throughout the whole period of civilization and develops more and more into open prostitution. This hetaerism derives quite directly from group marriage, from the ceremonial surrender by which women purchased the right of chastity. Surrender for money was at first a religious act; it took place in the temple of the goddess of love, and the money originally went into the temple treasury. The temple slaves of Anaitis in Armenia and of Aphrodite in Corinth, like the sacred dancing-girls attached to the temples of India, the so-called bayaderes (the word is a corruption of the Portuguese word bailadeira, meaning female dancer), were the first prostitutes. Originally the duty of every woman, this surrender was later performed by these priestesses alone as representatives of all other women. Among other peoples, hetaerism derives from the sexual freedom allowed to girls before marriage – again, therefore, a relic of group marriage, but handed down in a different way. With the rise of the inequality of property – already at the upper stage of barbarism, therefore – wage-labor appears sporadically side by side with slave labor, and at the same time, as its necessary correlate, the professional prostitution of free women side by side with the forced surrender of the slave. Thus the heritage which group marriage has bequeathed to civilization is double-edged, just as everything civilization brings forth is double-edged, double-tongued, divided against itself, contradictory: here monogamy, there hetaerism, with its most extreme form, prostitution."''

Alexandra Kollontai, a prominent Marxist feminist, wrote in her famous essay, "Prostitution And The Ways of Fighting It", that:

''"I will not take it upon myself to prophesy the form that marriage or relationships between the sexes will assume in the future. But of one thing there is no doubt: under communism all dependence of women upon men and all the elements of material calculation found m modern marriage will be absent. Sexual relationships will be based on a healthy instinct for reproduction prompted by the abandon of young love, or by fervent passion, or by a blaze of physical attraction or by a soft light of intellectual and emotional harmony. Such sexual relationships have nothing in common with prostitution. Prostitution is terrible because it is an act of violence by the woman upon herself in the name of material gain. Prostitution is I naked act of material calculation which leaves no room for considerations of love and passion. Where passion and attraction begin, prostitution ends. Under communism, prostitution and the contemporary family will disappear. Healthy, joyful and free relationships between the sexes will develop. A new generation will come into being, independent and courageous and with a strong sense of the collective: a generation which places the good of the collective above all else."''

This deviation from what was seen as the proper Marxist position on sex work (the opposition towards it) is an example of cultural liberalism creeping its way into online leftism. Those who support the reactionary and neo-feudal institution that is sex work, are nothing more than liberals who should not be taken seriously.

 On Narcotics

Another concerning trend and the probably the most prevalent of them is that of the support for the decriminalization/legalization of drugs and drug use under socialism.

There are numerous problems with this, and we must look into how drugs and the narcotic trade operates under capitalism. Drugs in modern capitalism is an escape mechanism from the conditions of decedent bourgeois society, with its trade thriving from times of economic and social decline. The bourgeoisie historically and today notes this, and it engages in the trade of narcotics around the world either directly or indirectly. Obviously, with us knowing this, narcotics cannot be tolerated under socialism.

 BreadTube and Infantile Leftism

These two main positions of the hedonist left bring me onto the problem of BreadTube and infantile leftism. BreadTube obviously is nothing more than a community of radlibs who will inevitably be liquidated into the ruling bourgeoisie if they ever got a state of power. The community itself represents the spirit of the hedonist left and everything wrong with it; the rejection of Marxist analysis in favor of blindly supporting lumpenproletarian movements such as the sex work activism movement, the adoption of a idealist vision of what socialism could look like, the furthering of liberal humanism and individualism which will only help further intrench bourgeois ideology, etc. We must reject these petit bourgeois liberals, who will only harm socialism.

[[File:Cooperative_Capitalism.png]] Against "Market Socialism"
With the fall of state socialism to bureaucratic despotism and revisionism, a new model for socialism started to be proposed. This model became known as "market socialism" or "cooperative socialism". However, this model has proven itself to just be another form of social democracy hiding behind the mask of "radical democracy".

Firstly, we must examine market socialism as a concept. Market socialism of course advocates for a socialist society based around cooperatives which compete with each other through free markets. Eugen Dühring, an anti-Marxist politician from Germany, advocated for a very similar system, which Friedrich Engels argued against in "Anti-Dühring".

"There will therefore be rich and poor economic communes, and the levelling out takes place through the population crowding into the rich communes and leaving the poor ones. So that although Herr Dühring wants to eliminate competition in products between the individual communes by means of national organization of trade, he calmly allows competition among the producers to continue. Things are removed from the sphere of competition, but men remain subject to it."

In a market socialist system, there will be rich and poor cooperatives. Poor cooperatives will go out of business and rich cooperatives will grow into capitalist monopolies. Wage labor (the labor market is still retained), the generalization of commodity production (the economy is still run for profit), and private property (that of the petit bourgeois type in that it is privately-owned by a collective) would still be retained under such a system, creating what is essentially just a form of petit bourgeois socialism.

Now, let us look at some examples of market socialism. For this, we'll look at the most famous example, that of Yugoslavia. The Chinese newspaper, the People's Daily, wrote an essay on the question of Yugoslav "Socialism".

''In 1956 the Tito clique encouraged local administrations to foster private capital by its taxation and other policies. In 1961 the Tito clique decreed that private individuals have the right to purchase foreign exchange. In 1963 the Tito clique embodied the policy of developing private capitalism in its constitution. According to provisions of the constitution, private individuals in Yugoslavia may found enterprises and hire labor. With the Tito clique's help and encouragement, private enterprise and private capital have mushroomed in the cities in Yugoslavia.''

The Yugoslav model retained private capital, the generalization of commodity production, private property, and wage labor. Unemployment in Yugoslavia was rampant, reaching about 16% by the 1980s. Inequality was rampant, especially among the different republics. In no way could this system be considered to be socialist.

=Best/Worst Parts Of My Ideology?=

=Political Journey=

2006-2019


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2019-2021


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2021-2023


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2023-2023


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2023-


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=Relations=


 * -|Real Ideologies =

Sigma Club

 * [[File:Deleon.png]] De Leonism - Literally me.
 * [[File:Sorel.png]] - So based, but your overemphasis on direct action entirely and your quasi-anarchist tendencies were quite gay. (do not worry king i will protect you from any criticism any dumb libtard makes about you using the power of ratios)
 * [[File:Situ.png]] - Down with the spectacle of mass media and the capitalist superstructure!
 * [[File:Impossible.png]] -  zazed.. so fucking zazed

Meh/I Don’t Know

 * [[File:Mao.png]] - Dissapointing leadership of China to say the least, though it wasn't really your fault.
 * [[File:ML.png]] - Should be considered an ideology of the past.

Not Even Funny

 * [[File:Left_Reformism.png]] - kill possibilists, behead possibilists, roundhouse kick possibilists into the concrete, slam dunk a possibilist’s baby into the trash can, crucify filthy possibilists, defecate into possibilists food, launch possibilists into the sun, stir fry possibilists in a wok, toss possibilists into active volcanoes


 * -|User Ideologies =

The Sigma Grindset

 * [[File:Yoda8soup.png]] Yoda8soup Thought - Reject democracy and populism and embrace impossibilism, and you’ll be perfect.
 * [[File:Arthurwp_marx.png]] Arthurwp Thought - Not bad, pretty cool actually.
 * [[File:O'Langism.png]] O'Langism - Pretty cool, though I’m not an anarchist.
 * [[File:Neokira2.png]] Neo-Kiraism - Cool
 * - Your ideology is fine, and Mao was one of the better MLs.
 * [[File:CheeseCom.png]] Cheese Communism - Cool ideology even if goofy.

Alright

 * [[File:Borker thought pixels 4.png]] Borker Thought - Tolerable ideology, cool guy.
 * [[File:--CYBERLEN.--icon.png]] Cyberleninism - Pretty alright for a Marxist-Leninist.
 * - Average possibilist.

Soy and Not Even Funny

 * [[File:Guard-Occo.png]] National Fracturism - I have a lot to say about your ideology. Firstly, your economic system is nothing special, just the same economics that exist in Germany but with more cooperatives. Your take on the reform or revolution question seems to be driven by your bourgeois conception of rationalism, in that revolution is irrational attempt at revenge by classes, as well as your humanist tendencies in which you deem revolution to be evil because of its use of violence. Another thing related to this is how you deem yourself to be some sort of anti-humanist, but your arguments against Marxism are entirely based in liberal humanism, in that you believe Marxism and the DotP to be "anti-human" and "evil" because it is the proletariat using violence and force against the former oppressor class. I don't think you've read political theory, which is why I'm not as mean as I could be, but please read Marxist theory.
 * [[File:PosadasComrade.png]] Mega Posadism - LARP
 * [[File:Omega1065.png]] Omegaism - Seems like an ok guy, but basically your average neocuck liberal.
 * [[File:Brazlib.png]] Brazilian Liberalism - Another day, another liberal neocuck.
 * [[File:NeoGlencoe.png]] Neo-Glencoeism - Another neocon.

=Comments= CanadianCommunist - hmmmmm, i kinda like it, add me, Bruh add meee
 * [[File:Murb.png]] Neo-Murba - add?
 * - Can you add me to relations when you make it?
 * [[File:Jefsynd.png]] Jefbol Thought - yea ill start on relations tomorrow most likely
 * - nice self insert also quite based! Can you add me when you get the chance comrade? :)
 * [[File:O'Langism.png]] O'Langism - Add me back, comrade?
 * [[File:PosadasComrade.png]] PosadasComrade Add me pls?
 * [[File:Neokira2.png]] Meowxism - add me
 * [[File:O'Langism.png]] O'Langism - Why are you anti-abortion?
 * [[File:Jefsynd.png]] Jefbol Thought - mostly personal objections, but i wouldn’t ban it under my hypothetical rule, and i am fine with it in certain circumstances like rape or teen pregnancy
 * Add me?
 * - Thoughts on imperialism, colonialism and racism?
 * [[File:Jefsynd.png]] Jefbol Thought - good when i do it quite soy and unfunny

Neo-Majapahitism - add me
 * - Added you, also wanna add me back (btw I'm not completely anti-revolution, I just prefer to minimize needless violence)

TEB - Add me? Glencoe- added you back add me Neo-Glencoeism- add me
 * [[File:Libcon.png]] ResponsibleCitizen - Thoughts on Charles Maurras (whom Georges Sorel praised, along with the Action Française)?
 * [[File:Jefsynd.png]] Jefbol Thought - he didn’t praise them, and letters that sorel wrote have revealed his whole stunt with action francaise and cercle proudhon was basically just to find his student eduard berth a new political home as sorel was retiring from politics
 * [[File:apocalypsnukeball.png]] Domestic Church - What are your thoughts on sex besides accepting LGBt?
 * [[File:Brazlib.png]] Brazilian Liberalism - Add me
 * [[File:--CYBERLEN.--icon.png]] Cyberleninism - My criticism of you was so dumb lmao that's my bad. I updated it on my page, could you update yours as well? thx
 * [[File:Jefsynd.png]] Jefbol Thought - updated 👍👍
 * [[File:MiskaAlt.png]] Miškaism add me, comrade
 * [[File:Esopinochet.png]] Mr Whooper Manism-Add me tanksexual
 * [[File:Brazlib.png]] Brazilian Liberalism - Add [[File:NightmareBrazLib.png]] Nightmare Brazilian Liberalism?
 * [[File:NeoUnopxl.png]] NeoUnoGamerism - Add me?
 * - Add me?
 * [[File:PosadasComrade.png]] PosadasComrade- Add my new page.
 * [[File:Guard-Occo.png]] National Fracturism - Add me, you Totalitarian.