PCBaller World/Poland/Eastern Crisis

The situation known as the Eastern Crisis (Kryzys wschodni) in PSNR, Great Lithuania War (Wielka wojna litewska) in The Eastern Polish Republic and Eastern Antiliberal War (Zahodny antyliberalny wójna) in Republic of Sorbia was a conflict between the PSNR and FRWPIL which resulted in the treaty of baranovichi

Background
During the 13-day civil war, the Porajists and the Lithuanian separatists were not fully eradicated due to the Polish army and police being preoccupied with fighting Sorbia in the west. As a result, an Eastern democratic anti-government movement emerged. When the Zgorzelec treaty was signed, the Porajist government realized that they could not depend on the Polish army and police being busy in the west. Therefore, they launched a grand offensive in the Republic of Belarus, which was then led by Lukashenko. This strategy worked initially, as Porajists and democratists took control of important cities in Belarus. However, Poland intervened to assist its ally, the Belorussians, from falling into the hands of westernists, which escalated the conflict into a full-scale war. The Porajists established their own government in the east, which was not recognized by the government in Warsaw. The conflict eventually involved most of the international community.

Opening operations
Initially, the war exhibited a high degree of fluidity, characterized by maneuver warfare as the prevailing and effective strategy employed by both sides. The Polish army concentrated its efforts on securing Ruthenia and Belarus, but encountered challenges in these regions due to the emergence of guerilla warfare. Consequently, the Polish army lost control over these territories.

In contrast, the FRWPIL prioritized establishing a relatively stable front and enhancing its military organization. While the Polish army remained engaged in confronting the Belarussian and Ruthenian forces, the FRWPIL initiated diplomatic channels with the European Commonwealth and directed its forces northward, leading to the proclamation of an independent Lithuania in Vilnius. Subsequently, the European Commonwealth intervened in the conflict, resulting in the swift advancement of their armies through Lithuania. Their progress was only halted by Sorbian troops at Ciechanów. As Sorbian forces fortified the Polish frontlines, the PSNR managed to push back and advance all the way to Riga, culminating in the Riga Agreement. This agreement entailed the disengagement of Sorbia and the European Commonwealth from the war, allowing the PSNR to focus its efforts on combating the FRWPIL.

However, due to logistical constraints and limited supplies, the PSNR faced setbacks and was gradually forced to retreat, relinquishing control over the territories claimed by the FRWPIL. Moreover, the FRWPIL initiated aerial bombardments on PSNR defenses in Brest and Grodno, signaling preparations for a major offensive against the Social Nationalist government.

Triple Offensive
While the FRWPIL's bombing campaign had dire consequences for the inhabitants of the eastern regions of the PSNR, the ZZ, facing significant casualties and attrition, underwent a process of radicalization, adopting ultranationalist ideologies. In response, the ZZ launched an extensive recruitment campaign in collaboration with the Polish army to bolster their forces. Concurrently, the PSNR entered into an agreement with the remnants of Russia, whereby Russian armed forces would engage the FRWPIL armies, allowing the PSNR to execute an offensive aimed at establishing a connection to Minsk. This strategic move served the dual purpose of providing support to Finland in its preparations to defend against the Sacred Kingdom of Sweden while also enabling the PSNR to generate revenue through investments in the Finnish military, thereby sustaining ongoing operations against the FRWPIL.

After a month of concerted campaigning and enduring bombings in the eastern regions of the PSNR, the army achieved readiness and positioned itself in north Kaliningrad. Advancing into the FRWPIL-occupied zones of Brest and Grodno, the PSNR encountered resistance. In the Klaipeda area, the offensive made significant progress, reaching the city; however, naval bombardment from the FRWPIL navy compelled the PSNR army to withdraw, pursued by local Lithuanian independence fighters. Near Grodno, the army directed its efforts towards Wilno in an attempt to prompt the FRWPIL's capitulation. Despite a successful offensive, the army was only able to reach the outskirts of the heavily fortified city and, due to logistical constraints, could not proceed with a further invasion.

However, with assistance from the Russians, the Brest offensive unfolded seamlessly, securing key transportation and infrastructure systems along with a 15-kilometer buffer zone occupied by the PSNR. This development allowed for the substantial sale of equipment to Finland, resulting in an influx of funds into the country. Recognizing the vital importance of safeguarding this transportation route, the PSNR was prepared to defend it at all costs.

Polish-Belarussian zone establishment
Recognizing the necessity of establishing legitimacy and control over the crucial road network leading to Minsk, the PSNR devised a strategic approach. In this regard, the PSNR elevated Alexander Lukashenko, the former president of Belarus, to the position of a PSNR general. Under his leadership, small divisions were recruited to operate within the PSNR forces. Consequently, the PSNR army officially declared the establishment of the Polish-Belarussian zone, designed as a temporary occupation to safeguard the road until the eventual restoration of the Republic of Belarus.

Simultaneously, a large-scale anti-FRWPIL propaganda campaign was launched in the region, aimed at shaping public sentiment and garnering support. The PSNR also made significant investments in expanding and enhancing the size and quality of its armed forces. Among both the PSNR society and government, there existed an unwavering commitment to the principle that the Polish-Belarussian zone must be steadfastly maintained, irrespective of the costs involved.

Frozen period
As the war fronts reached a state of relative stability, the FRWPIL grew weary and sought to assert their perspective to the international community. They contended that the Polish-Belarussian zone was unlawfully occupied, emphasizing their declaration of independence in Vilnius as encompassing not only Lithuania but also Belarus and Volhynia. In pursuit of support, they engaged with influential powers such as Greater Illinois, Byzantium, the Liberal Federation of America, and the European Commonwealth. The heightened attention on the Eastern crisis prompted the PSNR to seek allies, ultimately leading to the formation of numerous stringent mutual defense pacts with neighboring countries. Additionally, the establishment of the New Warsaw Pact between Norway-Sweden, the new Communist Russian government, and the PSNR emerged as a response to these developments. Interestingly, it is noteworthy that the Eastern Crisis played a significant role in fostering amicable relations between the PSNR and the Neo-Soviet Union.

These new alliances, coupled with the growing strength of the PSNR army, facilitated the continuous occupation and control of the southern portion of the Vilnius offensive, which underwent reorganization and was established as the Wilno Voivodeship, alongside the Polish-Belarussian zone. Remarkably, for almost a decade, these borders remained unchanged.

Meanwhile, the dwindling resources of the FRWPIL were allocated towards organizing a Ukrainian revolt within the southeastern region of the PSNR. Consequently, both the PSNR and the FRWPIL refrained from launching any offensive actions in the ensuing years. The FRWPIL, exhausted and facing financial strain, struggled to sustain its operations, while the PSNR focused on fortifying its defenses to uphold control over the Polish-Belarussian zone and suppress the Ukrainian insurrection in its southeastern territories.

Recognizing the increasing flow of Western support directed towards the FRWPIL, the PSNR acknowledged the challenge of achieving victory in the war alone, even with the backing of allies. Despite experiencing ongoing incidents with Greater Illinois, both sides exhibited a reluctance to display signs of weakness, preventing the PSNR from approaching Greater Illinois directly. However, when Greater Illinois initiated contact with the PSNR following the PSNR's recapture of Tarnopol from the Ukrainian insurrection, which significantly weakened the Ukrainian Liberation Army's structure, the PSNR swiftly and proactively engaged in détente talks. One of the key focal points of these discussions was the Eastern Crisis.

Subsequently, the signing of the Treaty of Chicago instilled the PSNR with a newfound confidence. This prompted the PSNR to issue a final ultimatum to the FRWPIL, demanding the renouncement of their claim over the Polish-Belarussian zone and the facilitation of a plebiscite in Northern Belarus, aiming to establish a lasting peace in the region. Regrettably, the FRWPIL declined the PSNR's ultimatum. Consequently, the PSNR army, after nearly a decade of frozen conflict and internal strife, embarked on the Continuation War and initiated the Marijampole offensive, marking a resumption of hostilities.